The Trump Administration continues its relentless efforts to reshape the executive branch and purge federal government employees. This includes high-profile firings, as well as deep civil service cuts. In the face of such chaos, it’s difficult to even identify—let alone scrutinize—each and every unprecedented action.
But DREDF continues efforts to counter threats, which at times is best done by highlighting what is happening, and why it matters. We’ve now seen enough of the second Trump Administration to know that it’s worth sparing a thought for the lawyers. Or more specifically, the bedrock role of lawyers in the American rule of law, and the breathtaking risks that come with pushing them out of the way.
Back in February, Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth confirmed the dismissals of two stellar flag officers, General Charles “CQ” Brown, Jr., and Admiral Lisa Franchetti. These now-former service members are a Black man and a White woman, respectively. Their removals were noteworthy and newsworthy, as they rolled back decades of progress in diversifying the U.S armed services.
What didn’t get as much attention is the Trump Administration’s simultaneous dismissal of the Judge Advocates Generals (JAGs) for the Army, Navy, and Air Force. JAGs, who are licensed attorneys as well as military officers, are tasked with upholding the rule of law in their respective service branches.
Subsequently, President Trump signed a memorandum taking aim at Covington & Burling LLP; issued Executive Order 14230, targeting Perkins Coie LLP; and authorized another Presidential Action against Paul, Weiss. These actions stripped the security clearances of attorneys at these three well-respected private law firms, and mandated a review of all potential federal contracts with them. Their real offenses? Representing clients who have angered President Trump. Covington & Burling represented 2016 Democratic Presidential Nominee Hillary Clinton. Perkins Coie is representing Special Counsel Jack Smith. And attorney Mark Pomerantz left Paul, Weiss to assist the Manhattan District Attorney’s office in its investigation of Donald Trump’s finances.
But the impact isn’t limited just to the attorneys involved with those specific clients—it applies to all lawyers at these firms, each of which has over 1,000 lawyers. As a consequence, none of those attorneys can receive classified information or enter federal buildings in connection with work on behalf of other clients who have nothing to do with President Trump’s “enemies.” The controversy now includes a lawsuit filed by William’s & Connolly on behalf of Perkins Coie, alleging that the Trump Administration’s actions are unconstitutional. Presumably Williams & Connolly has now joined the “enemies” list, along with the federal judge who granted a temporary restraining order on March 12, 2025, stopping Executive Order 14230 from taking effect—for now.
These chilling developments call to mind one of Shakespeare’s most quoted lines from Henry VI, Part 2, Act 4, Scene 2: “The first thing we do, let’s kill all the lawyers.” This prescription is generally understood, in popular culture, as a laugh line insulting lawyers. But the opposite argument is stronger. The Bard drops this sentence into a conversation between Jack Cade—who is leading a major insurrection against King Henry VI—and his key wingman Dick the Butcher, whose name says it all. Both characters recognize that the rule of law provides a crucial line of defense against Cade’s Rebellion, which was aimed at eliminating corruption and taxation without representation. If you truly want to take down established authority, it’s best to get rid of the lawyers.
The role of law and lawyers is so fundamental to the American Experiment that it predates the country itself. Attorney and founding father John Adams—who was unquestionably a traitor to King George III during the revolutionary period—first gained prominence for his focus on the principles of lawyering. To the shock and dismay of many of his neighbors, Adams agreed to represent the reviled British redcoats accused of murder during the Boston Massacre in 1770. In his famous closing argument, Adams underscored to the jury that their duty was to the rule of law. “Facts are stubborn things;” he said, “and whatever may be our wishes, our inclinations, or the dictates of our passions, they cannot alter the state of facts and evidence.” Based on the evidence (and good lawyering), six of the eight defendants were acquitted, and the other two were convicted of the lesser charge of manslaughter.
Here’s another fact: While the American colonies ultimately won their fight against the British Crown, Jack Cade lost his. He was offered a royal pardon. But the pardon was quickly revoked, and he was killed while trying to evade arrest. It might have gone better for him if he had some lawyers.
The American Experiment—flawed though it has always been—still has counsel. Many courageous lawyers, drawn from different sectors and with differing political views, follow John Adam’s steadfast example by defending the rule of law itself.
DREDF also continues to both use and champion the American legal system, which is part and parcel of our disability rights mission. History has taught us that the rule of law is a crucial tool for protecting and advancing the civil rights of people with disabilities.
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About the author
For over 35 years, Linda D. Kilb has been an attorney with the Disability Rights Education & Defense Fund (DREDF). Since the 1990s, Ms. Kilb has been the Director of DREDF’s California Legal Services Trust Fund Support Center Program. Ms. Kilb represents plaintiffs and amici in litigation brought under a range of federal and California disability rights laws in federal and state courts; participates in policy development, administrative and legislative education efforts; and provides training and advice to attorneys, advocates, and people with disabilities.
